By Anatoly M. Khazanov
A world-renowned anthropologist, Anatoly M. Khazanov bargains a witty, insightful, and cautionary research of ethnic nationalism and its pivotal position within the cave in of the Soviet empire.
“Khazanov’s encyclopedic wisdom of the heritage and tradition of post-Soviet societies, mixed with box examine there because the Nineteen Sixties, informs the case stories with a unique authoritative voice. This quantity is destined to be a fully worthy reference for the certainty of ethnic kinfolk and the politics of minorities within the ex-USSR into the following century.”—Leonard Plotnicov, editor of Ethnology
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Extra resources for After the USSR: Ethnicity, Nationalism, and Politics in Commonwealth of Independent States
If the development in the country happens along the lines of political and economic pluralism and civil society emerges at least in some of its successor states, then it will be possible to avoid some of the interethnic conflicts and tensions. This may alleviate some of them, at least approximating civilized forms, but I doubt that it will completely eliminate them. Conclusion II: Theoretic 1. Although Mill's claim that serves as one of the epigraphs to this chapter is too pessimistic, he certainly has a point (Mill 1975: 382).
The struggle to expand the use of languages of dominant nationalities in administrative practi<:t", education, and culture relates, not only to the growth of ethnic awan· ness and the desire to prevent acculturation, but also to a more mund:ciH' goal: to place members of one's own nationality in more advantagt·o o positions vis-a-vis competing members of other nationalities. 'l'he Collapse of the Soviet Union 49 As a result, many nationalities, such as Tuvinians, Bashkirs, or Buryat, may follow the example of Chechens and Tatars and try to achieve more Independence and/ or raise the status of their political formations vis-a-vis central Russian leadership, while those who lack autonomous formations will try to create something similar.
When speaking more openly, they often complained, "We know llw Nlt uation and the specific problems of our republic better than MosIIW docs. We are loyal communists. Why don't they trust us? dllNt o tltt I'll" 60 The Verse and Prose of Post-Totalitarianism During the restructuring period these non-Russian elites soon discovered that the conditions of weakening central power allowed them to have it both ways under the nationalistic umbrella: they could retain privileged positions and gain more power by becoming bosses in their own home, independent Moscow.