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By Marcelo Svirsky, Simone Bignall

Svirsky and Bignall gather top figures to discover the wealthy philosophical linkages and the political matters shared through Agamben and postcolonial thought. Agamben's theories of the 'state of exception' and 'bare existence' are located in serious relation to the life of those phenomena within the colonial/postcolonial international.

Features a global set of specialist members who process postcolonial feedback from an interdisciplinary perspectiveo offers with colonial and postcolonial matters in Russia, Israel and Palestine, Africa the Americas, Asia and Australiao deals new insights on colonial exclusion, racism and postcolonial democracyo A well timed intervention to debates in poststructuralist, postcolonial and postmodern stories for college students of politics, serious idea and social & political philosophy

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In the fourth section we shall elaborate this logic of the anomic management of anomie with reference to Walter Benjamin's theory of baroque sovereignty. Despite its self-presentation as a constructive alternative to the ‘wild5 and ‘chaotic5 1990s, the contemporary Russian regime persists in its nihilistic paradigm, all the more so as long as it keeps negating it. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the possibilities of overcoming this mode of power. Bespedel: Between Potentiality and Actuality Let us return to the gruesome scene of the Kuschevskaya massacre.

Burroughs, P. (1999), ‘Imperial Institutions and the Government of Empire’, in A. ), The O xford H istory o f the British Empire: The N ineteenth Century. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 170-97. Cohn, S. B. (2004), The Bernard Cohn Om nibus. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Comaroff, J. and J. Comaroff (2006), Law and D isorder in the Postcolony. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Fanon, F. (1967a), Black Skin, White Masks. New York: Grove Press. — (1967b), The Wretched o f the E arth . New York: Grove Press.

In the absence of any positive project in the post-Soviet condition of the resump­ tion of internal decolonisation, authority in postcommunist Russia manifests itself through a redoubling of its own power, as the power of those who hold power or, to use Andrei Fursov5s (1991) fortunate neologism, as cratocracy. Thus, rather than view the contemporary regime in terms of plenitude of power in its sover­ eign majesty, we should rather approach it as an effect of a radical kenosis of power, whereby it is split between its own unproductive glorification and its degradation into brute violence.

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