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Paul. 2; cf. Opelt, “Heiligenbiographien,” 148 n. 10. Paul. 4; cf. Chron. a. 357 (GCS Eus. 7:240). 78 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������� See Coleiro, “St. Jerome’s Lives,” 177; Fuhrmann, “Mönchsgeschichten,” 81–2; Kech, Hagiographie, 25, 149. 79 ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� See F. Paschoud, “Verità storica e convenzioni letterarie negli storici del tardo impero,” in B. 427–41. 80 ����� Cic. Leg. 5. 81 �������������� Cf.

39 The Saint’s Saints, 42–75. 30 31 Jerome of Stridon 20 drew on the rich repertoire of pagan as well as Christian and Jewish tradition when choosing his narratives. Digressions40 such as those on the centaurs and satyrs41 and classical reminiscences were a part of Jerome’s mastery of traditional forms and motives as well. 42 Conversely, Jerome did not slavishly follow the theoretical guidelines that regulated the composition of biographical literature in classical antiquity. Already a cursory reading shows that the characterization of the work as a vita is not appropriate.

Nau, “Le chapître ΠΕΡΙ ����� ΑΝΑΧΩΡΗΤΩΝ ����������� ΑΓΙΩΝ et les sources de la Vie de S. Paul de Thèbes,” ROC 10 (1905) 387–417. 56 ������� Kelly, Jerome, 61. 57 ����������� Weingarten, The Saint’s Saints, 267. Paul. 2. Paul. 1: Vae mihi peccatori, qui falsum monachi nomen fero. See Fuhrmann, “Mönchsgeschichten,” 75; P. -M. , Jérôme entre l’Occident et l’Orient: XVIe centenaire du départ de saint Jérôme de Rome et de son installation à Bethléem. Actes du colloque de Chantilly, septembre 1986 (Paris, 1988) 257–65.

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