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By Keith Krause, Michael C. Williams

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S. 36 Key to understanding the processes of perestroika and Mikhail Gorbachev's innovative foreign policy was a clear decision that the Leninist strategic code, concerning the likelihood of war triggered by imperialist ambitions and crises, no longer held. The assumption that the superpower relationship could be managed politically rather than militarily is crucial to what subsequently transpired. These innovations occurred before the economic collapse and political implosion of Soviet power. 38 The significance of 12 SIMON DALBY not paying attention to the changing social constitution of Soviet security policy is that it supports Western triumphalist scriptings of the end of the Cold War.

Klein, Strategic Studies and World Order (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994). 8. 1. 9. : Lynne Rienner, 1992), 98. 10. Richard Falk, Explorations at the Edge of Time: The Prospects for World Order (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1991). 11. On "essentially contested concepts" see W. B. : Princeton University Press, 1983). 12. James Der Derian, Antidiplomacy: Spies, Terror, Speed and War (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1992). 13. See Simon Dalby, "Gender and Critical Geopolitics: Reading Security Discourse in the New World Disorder," Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 12:5 (1994), 595-612.

Michael Shapiro, The Politics of Representation (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988), 100. On the important theme of why sovereignty is not just sovereignty, see Cynthia Weber, Simulating Sovereignty (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). 28. , International/Intertextual Relations: Postmodern Readings of World Politics (Toronto: Lexington, 1989). 29. See Bradley S. 93-318; Hugh Gusterson, "Realism and the International Order after the Cold War," Social Research 6o:z (1993), 279-300.

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