By Michal Rachel Nahman (auth.)
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Additional info for Extractions: An Ethnography of Reproductive Tourism
Sample text
This is illustrated below in an extract from an interview with one woman whose logic for selling her oocyte is partly about doing what she wants with her own body. The politics of reproduction in Romania have been well documented in relation to abortion, adoption and coercion (Kligman, 1998; Gal and Kligman, 2000). In the name of the ‘nation’ Ceausescu aimed to prevent abortions and made it illegal (unless a woman had at least five children). , 1991)). This was an ironic outcome of state pronatalism.
That I did not go through with it meant that in the space of the clinic I too was haunted by my own potential donor/seller status. The sense that ‘that could have been me’ on the operating table, was quickly followed by the understanding that ‘that never could have been me’, given my upbringing in a wellto-do Canadian suburb. It never could have been me because of the global economic order that offers substantially larger sums of money to women with my social, religious and geographic positioning.
This involves an examination of claims made by research participants and has an ethic of describing what I see as the most crucial links between the ways in which eggs cross bodily and national borders while other kinds of mobilities are more constrained (or even prohibited). Without essentializing the kinds of bodies in question (for example, I do not assert that all ‘women’ reproduce ‘families’ or ‘nations’), I invoke synecdoche in order to assert that subjects are materialized through the relations that are produced by exchanges, extractions, manipulations and legal debates about bodies and body parts.